When it comes to gift-giving, not only must the gift giver attempt to infer the recipient's(接受者的) tastes, needs, desires, and reactions, the gift selection may also be affected by the information which it would appear to convey about the giver and the giver-recipient relationship. The ancient practice of gift-giving is still common and important in modern cultures. For instance, Lowes Turner. and Willis (1971) mention a series of British Gallup Polls from 1963-1967, in which it was found that over 90 percent of the adult population did some Christmas gift-giving each year.

Gift-giving has been treated from a variety of related theoretical aspects. A famous theoretical analysis of the gift-giving process is an essay by French anthropologist- sociologist Marcell Mauss(1923). Based on his examination of gift-giving, Mauss concluded that gift-giving is a self-perpetuating(不停的) system of reciprocity. More specifically, Mauss summarized three types of obligations (义务): the obligation to give; the obligation to receive; the obligation to repay.

    The obligation to give may be based on moral or religious necessities, with the need to recognize and keep a status hierarchy(等级制度) or the need to establish or keep peaceful relations. Receiving is seen as similarly obligatory. Mauss noted however that there is a certain tension created in receiving a gift since acceptance is an implied recognition of dependence on the giver. This tension may then be reduced by meeting the third obligation, the obligation to repay. Failure to repay or failure to repay adequately results in a loss of status and self-esteem. Adequate or overly adequate repayment, on the other hand, creates an obligation to repay on the part of the original giver, and the cycle is reinitiated.

    Schwartz (1967) noted that beyond the functions served by the general process of gift exchange, the characteristics of the gift itself also act as a powerful statement of the giver's perception(洞察力) of the recipient. He also suggested that acceptance of a particular gift constitutes an acknowledgment and acceptance of the identity that the gift is seen to imply. Among children this may lead to lasting changes in self-perceptions, but probably gifts have less influence on the self- concept of an adult.

    There can be little doubt that gift-giving is a common experience in human life and consumer behavior.

    Teenagers enter their adolescent years with a mixture of optimism, excitement and anxiety. Adolescence is a time when boys and girls begin to show greater independence from their parents. It is also a time when young people begin to develop the sense of individuality that will help shape their future identity as adults. In fact, showing independence and forming a unique identity are two of the most important developmental tasks that adolescents must finish in preparation for satisfying and productive adult lives.

    It is not easy for parents or teenagers to go smoothly through this period. Adolescents want to be independent of their parents and make their own decisions. They often do not recognize their need for adults' guidance and support.

    However, some parents find it easy to keep the lines of communication open with an adolescent child. These parents are often noticed by the child as stable sources of positive influence, and the teen feels supported in his or her growing independence. Communication in such families characterized by mutual(互 相的) respect and the ability to freely exchange feelings and ideas. Parents who understand their teenager's need for a reasonable measure of independence and individuality encourage their child's growth and achievements. This positive interest strengthens parent-child relationships. When adolescents receive parental approval and believe that parents really value their accomplishments, it creates a willingness to share other information about themselves.

    Many parents find it difficult to have open communication with their child during the adolescent years. Some parents have difficulty understanding the changes their teenager is experiencing and pay little attention to his or her need to pull away from the family and make independent decisions. At the same time, some teenagers are so self-focused that they do not appreciate or accept their parents' concern, and they are against all parental authority. In this case, frequent arguments may develop, and family life may become difficult. Parents and teenagers may separate from one another to avoid arguments, but this is usually a short-term solution that does not clear up the main problems.

    A major long-term method is to help them develop more effective communication. This enables the family members to end their conflicts(矛盾) and to establish more harmonious and more satisfying relationships.

    It was many years ago. I was a young dad sitting on the couch reading a fairy tale to my little girl. She sat next to me with her head on my arm as I told the tale. When it came to the end I finished with those famous words: "And they lived happily ever after." As I looked over to her with her wavy(鬈曲的), brown hair and big, innocent eyes I could see the smile on her face and I never wanted it to end. Then it dawned on me that the ending of the book was what I wanted for her. I wanted her to "live happily ever after".

    Still, deep in my heart I knew that this couldn't always be so. I knew that there would be times when her heart was broken. I knew there would be times when she cried in grief and I couldn't comfort her. I knew there would be times when all she felt was fear, sadness, sorrow, and despair. As I stroked her hair and smiled at her I hoped that those times would be brief and that she would have joy in her life more often than not. Living happily ever after, though, seemed out of the question.

    It takes me a lot of years to realize that it is possible to live happily ever after. You just have to do it "one day at a time". Happiness you see isn't some reward that you get at the end of your journey. Happiness isn't something that depends on what life you own. Happiness is something you create in your life choice by choice and day by day.

    The truth is happiness comes when you love. Love is a gift from God. It is love that mends broken hearts. It is love that heals grief. It is love that gives us joy. Choose to "live happily ever after, one day at a time".

    People say that text messages and e-mails lack emotion compared to phone or face-to-face conversations. But one thing seems to improve it – the emoticon(表情符).

    These little symbols – whether it's a wink(眨眼); -), a smiley : -) or a sad face : -) - always add a little something to whatever you are sending out, making it more expressive than cold words on a screen.

    To be sure, emoticons have changed the way that we communicate with each other. But there is more: a new study found that they are even changing how our brains work – we now react to emoticons in the same way as we would to real human faces, reported Live Science.

    It's actually amazing when you start to think about it: what an emoticon consists of is simply three punctuation marks(标点符号) – on their own, they carry no meaning as a pair of eyes, a nose or a mouth, but after they were first put together as symbols for faces in 1982, they began to appear more and more in our written materials.

    Owen Churches, a scientist at Flinders University in Australia, wanted to find out what people see in emoticons that make them so popular. So he showed 20 participants images of real faces, a smiley emoticon and a series of meaningless characters while their brain activities were monitored.

    Previous studies have already shown that our brains process human faces differently than they do other objects – they analyze the position of the mouth relative to the nose and the eyes to “read” for emotions. As a result, certain parts of our brain, such as the occipital-temporal cortex, are activated(激活).

    When Churches compared participants' brain activities, he was surprised to find that the brain areas that were activated when people looked at smiley emoticons were the same as when they were shown pictures of real faces.

    According to Churches, this is a good example of how culture is shaping our brains. “Emoticons are a new form of language that we're producing,” Churches told ABC Science. “Before 1982 there would be no reason that ':-)' would activate face-sensitive areas of the cortex, but now it does because we've learnt that this represents a face.”

    Next time you chat with your friends online, try to use emoticons where they are needed. It'll be almost like you're smiling or winking at them yourself.

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago?

In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census's measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic wellbeing, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income.

While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time.

The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005.

In 2005, as the authors observe: real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France's consumption with the U.S.'s overstates the gap in economic welfare.

Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97 % of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy's performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly.

Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates.